If you haven’t noticed, Brazil had the first round of its presidential election on 4th October. Challenger, and Far-Right son of former President Jair Bolsonaro, beat center-Left incumbent Lula da Silva by just under 2%, 47.03–45.16, and is now the clear favorite to become the next Brazilian President, no candidate having ever lost the Presidency after winning the first round.

To help bridge the gap between legal principles and everyday policymaking, a new Massive Open Online Course (MOOC), From Theory to Practice: Applying the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU, has been developed by KU Leuven and the Global Governance Studies Centre as part of a project funded by the European Commission Directorate-General for Justice and Consumers (DG JUST). The course is complemented by a comprehensive practical training manual designed for both learners a

The STEM gap (Sciences, Technology, Engineering and Mathematics) refers to the inequality in access to this type of university degree faced by women. According to the 2024 report by the NGO Chicas en Tecnología (CeT), in Latin America female participation in these university degrees ranges between 29% and 43%, depending on the country. Uruguay leads the ranking with a participation rate of 42.6%, five points higher than Argentina.

As sustainability requirements become increasingly central to international trade, Voluntary Sustainability Standards (VSS), or eco-labels and eco-certificates, have emerged as a critical mechanism connecting producers in developing countries with consumers and markets in advanced economies. VSS prescribe a set of social, economic and/or environmental standards that private actors can voluntarily adopt to make their production and processing practices and sourcing strategies

“Naming and shaming” is one of the oldest tools in international politics. It costs little, requires no army, and works by simple logic: states care about their reputations, and public condemnation by a group of peers imposes a reputational price that can result in tangible economic and financial costs for violator regimes. International organizations are especially suited to shame norm violators, because they condemn collectively and so carry more weight.

France’s relationship with Latin America and the Caribbean, as is the case with other European states, has deep historical roots, underpinned by diplomatic, cultural, scientific, and economic ties. However, after the Cold War, Latin America and the Caribbean lost relative prominence in French foreign policy compared with other priorities, such as Europe, Africa, the Mediterranean, and, more recently, the Indo-Pacific.

When Russia invaded Ukraine in February 2022, Europe responded quickly. It condemned Moscow, imposed sweeping sanctions, and began sending arms to Kyiv. Brazil went only halfway. A democracy and in many ways a Western-facing country, it condemned the invasion at the United Nations but refused to join the sanctions or send weapons. Four years later, it still refuses.

Regionalism is redefining itself with new roles and objectives. During the 1990s and much of the 2000s, regional projects were conceived primarily as mechanisms for liberalizing trade, attracting investment, and deepening economic integration. The success of a regional initiative was measured by the growth of intraregional trade, the reduction of barriers, or the advancement of common institutions.

This article is an adapted version of the original piece published in Latinoamérica21 (L21), a media platform that brings together a diverse community of experts and scholars who offer analysis and commentary on political, economic, and social issues in Latin America. You can access the original text here. For years, the most commonly used term to describe Latin American regionalism has been “crisis.” Yet that category no longer suffices to explain its current situation. Spea

Since 1999, Latin America and the Caribbean and the European Union (EU) have maintained a Bi-regional Strategic Partnership mechanism: 27 countries on the European side, 33 in the American hemisphere. While all participants adhere to the Westphalian principle of the legal equality of states, it is clear that not all of them carry the same weight in world politics, nor in decision-making within their respective regions when it comes to defining policies toward the other side o

Democracy is in trouble - not because people have stopped believing in it, but because there's a growing gap between the ideal and lived experience. Across Latin America and Europe, political language has shifted from treating opponents as rivals to treating them as enemies. Trust in institutions has collapsed, young people are disengaged, and populism is filling the void. The answer, the author argues, is collective leadership rooted in communities.

The article examines how Brazil strengthened its presence in Portuguese-speaking African countries during Lula’s administration through a strategy of autonomy based on the diversification of alliances. Through the CPLP, academic cooperation, and cultural ties, Brazil projected soft power in Africa. The text argues that these resources could be complemented by the European Union’s institutional and financial capacity to advance a common development agenda.

Critical raw materials are vital for Europe’s green transition, defence, and digital industries, yet the EU remains heavily dependent on external suppliers, especially China. Latin America—rich in lithium, copper, graphite, and other strategic minerals—has become a key partner through trade agreements and raw materials partnerships. However, reducing dependency will require not only extraction, but also local processing, industrial investment, and resilient supply chains.

Demographic shifts are reshaping care agendas across both Europe and Latin America, though through divergent paths. Europe contends with an aged population and caregiver shortages, while Latin America faces a rapid fertility collapse and eroding family-based care networks. Both regions increasingly recognize that care can no longer rest on women's unpaid labor alone. Landmark frameworks from the EU Care Strategy to the Buenos Aires Commitment and the EU-CELAC Care Pact signal

The European Green Deal, particularly the EU Regulation on deforestation-free products (EUDR), is redefining access to key markets for Colombian exports like coffee and cocoa. While it promotes sustainability through strict traceability and verification, it also risks excluding smallholders if institutions fail to provide the necessary support. The real challenge lies not in producer readiness, but in building inclusive systems that prevent widening inequalities.

After the EU–Mercosur agreement was signed in 2026, Brazil ratified it swiftly with broad support, unlike Europe. In his article, Nicolás Pose-Ferraro explains this contrast through a key shift: Brazil’s manufacturing industry moved from opposition to support. He tests standard explanations and proposes a top-down mechanism driven by persuasion, ideas, and institutional pressure during crisis.

With recent signature of the EU-Mercosur Association Agreement, a long process of negotiation may have a successful ending. In any case, environmental contestation in the EU might seem to threaten the entry into force of the agreement. However, when did it start and what role has it played in EU-Mercosur talks?

After more than 25 years of talks, the EU–Mercosur trade deal was agreed in early January, overcoming last-minute opposition with safeguards for EU farmers. A surprise European Parliament vote on January 21, however, sent the deal to the European Court of Justice, likely delaying ratification. Beyond trade, the blog shows how the agreement signals a shift in EU regulatory power, notably through setbacks on animal welfare standards.

This blog explores the geopolitical impact of the U.S. military operation in Venezuela and Nicolás Maduro’s capture, arguing it has not advanced democratic transition. Through the lens of peripheral realism, it shows how Latin American states and the EU largely avoided confronting Washington, prioritizing strategic and economic interests. It highlights regional fragmentation, opportunistic alignment with U.S. power, weak multilateral responses, and calls for coordinated, cond

The world is undergoing a profound geopolitical and economic reconfiguration that is reshaping foreign policy and international relations. In this emerging multipolar system—marked by interdependence and uncertainty—the EU has intensified its search for reliable partners to secure critical resources and strengthen strategic autonomy. In this context, MERCOSUR, and Argentina in particular, emerges as a key partner due to its energy resources, lithium reserves, and green hydrog